Tagged: Land Use

Mixed income housing boosts low-income students’ performance

November 5, 2010 | Mona Tawatao | Tags: , ,

Housing policy is school policy.    This is the premise of an eponymous study recently published by the Century Foundation.  The study analyzed school data in Montgomery County, Maryland, one of the most affluent and high-achieving, in terms of elementary academic performance, in the nation.  Montgomery County also operates the oldest and one of the largest inclusionary zoning programs in the country.  According to the study, the zoning program has enabled development of over 12,000 moderately priced homes to be built around the County and nearly 1,000 public housing units for extremely low-income families to be placed in nearly all of the County’s elementary school areas.  The study tracked the academic performance of 858 elementary students residing in public housing around the County from 2001 and 2007.  The study found that the students that attended the lower-poverty schools performed eight percentage points higher on standardized math tests than students attending higher-poverty schools, despite the fact that the latter schools received an infusion of resources through the County’s aggressive efforts to improve performance in high poverty schools.  The study concludes that “highly disadvantaged children with access to the lowest-poverty neighborhoods and schools began to catch up to their non-performing peers, while similar disadvantaged children without such access did not.”   The study makes a compelling case for promoting and retaining zoning policies that promote mixed income developments and communities.   For more on the study, see the Washington Post article on this subject.

A Matter of Life and Death: Asylum Seekers’ Lack of Access to Competent Legal Representation

September 30, 2010 | Maya Roy | Tags: , , , ,

By Yunie Hong, Legal Aid Foundation of Los Angeles, and Timothy Griffiths, Survivors of Torture, International

Ms. C is from Eritrea. She was forcibly conscripted into mandatory military service right after completing high school. In the military, Ms. C’s superiors routinely abused and raped her. After enduring these horrific conditions for over a year, Ms. C saw a chance to escape and took it. She made the extremely treacherous journey across the Eritrean border into Sudan. After many months of travel, and with the help of some good Samaritans along the way, she eventually made it to the U.S.. At the airport, she informed an Immigration officer that she was afraid to return home and wished to apply for asylum. To her surprise, immigration officials whisked her away to a remote immigration detention facility, placed her in removal proceedings, and told Ms. C that she would have to fight her case in front of a judge. When she explained that she didn’t have any money to pay for an attorney, immigration officers gave Ms. C a list of places to call for free legal representation. With the precious few minutes that she was allowed to use the phone, Ms. C called the nearest Legal Services Corporation (LSC) funded Legal Aid office. The Legal Aid agency had to inform Ms. C that they could not help her due to LSC funding restrictions and her lack of immigration status.

Unfortunately, Ms. C’s story is a common one. Individuals who have a well-founded fear of persecution in their home countries due to their race, religion, nationality, political opinion, or membership in a particular social group, may be eligible for asylum in the US.[1] However, immigration law is very complex, and competent legal representation is key in winning an asylum claim. Studies have shown that asylum-seekers with legal representation are successful 46% of the time, while those without an attorney lose all but 16% of the time, making access to counsel an extremely important factor in whether an asylum seeker receives protection or not.[2] Although immigrants have a right to counsel in deportation proceedings, in practice this “right” is most often illusory, since the government does not provide free counsel to those who cannot afford to pay for legal representation. Many asylum seekers must flee their homes with little more than the clothes on their backs. Any resources they have or scrape together en route they use to pay for the journey. As a result, upon arrival in the U.S., most asylum seekers are completely destitute. Just obtaining food and shelter is frequently a major challenge, never mind hiring a private attorney. Even if jobs were plentiful, asylum seekers cannot simply work to earn the money they need to pay for an attorney, because they cannot get employment authorization until after their cases have been filed and pending for at least 6 months–and that’s the best case scenario. Procedural hurdles frequently delay work authorization even longer. In many instances, asylum seekers are legally prevented from working until after their cases are actually won.

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The Battle of St. Bernard Parish

October 28, 2009 | emelyfisher | Tags: , ,

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A New York Times article recently highlighted ongoing struggles to create and / or replace affordable housing in New Orleans and neighboring parishes. In both predominately white suburbs and in primarily black neighborhoods in the New Orleans city limits, proposed low- or mixed-income developments have met with staunch opposition, but the opposition has been particularly fierce in St. Bernard Parish east of the city. In September 2009 a federal district judge held the parish in contempt for violation of a consent order and a previous court order enforcing it.

The Greater New Orleans Fair Housing Action Center (GNO) brought the original lawsuit, which the consent order settled. The suit challenged several ordinances enacted by the St. Bernard Parish Council. Most notable was the infamous “blood-relative” ordinance of September 2006. This ordinance would have required application for a permissive use permit to allow occupancy of any single-family residence by anyone other than a family member “within the first, second or third direct ascending or descending generation(s).” Since whites owned 93% of the houses in St. Bernard Parish before Katrina, the ordinance had glaring racial implications. The consent order, approved by the district court in February 2008, enjoined the parish from violating the Fair Housing Act and enforcing the discriminatory ordinances.

In September 2008, however, St. Bernard Parish enacted a twelve-month moratorium on multi-family development in the parish. At the time of the introduction and passage of this moratorium, a real estate developer (Provident) had begun the process of constructing four affordable housing developments in St. Bernard Parish.  GNO argued that the moratorium violated the consent order and filed a motion to enforce the order.  Judge Berrigan agreed, finding ample evidence of disparate impact, discriminatory intent, and discriminatory effect of the moratorium. In March, 2009, she enjoined enforcement of the moratorium and ordered St. Bernard Parish to rescind it. [Greater New Orleans Fair Housing Action Center v. St. Bernard Parish, 2009 WL 2399999, E.D.La., 2009.]

The parish’s fight against the affordable housing projects continued. After the court’s March order, St. Bernard Parish denied or delayed the Provident’s applications to re-subdivide the site of the the proposed projects. In August 2009, Judge Berrigan granted GNO / Provident’s motion for contempt and, again, enforced the consent order, finding that “[t]he objections raised [to the applications for minor re-subdivision], by both the Planning Commission and the Parish Council, [were] irrelevant to the re-subdivision process and pretextual.” (2009 WL 2567186, 16, E.D.La., 2009.) Amazingly, that didn’t stop the Planning Commission from denying the application again, construing it as a “major re-subdivision.”

GNO went back to court with yet another motion for contempt and to enforce the consent order. “This is the third time that this Court is called upon to determine whether or not defendants violated orders governing this case,” Judge Berrigan said in her opinion granting the motion. She applauded the immediate and earnest recovery efforts of the parish, one of the areas hit hardest by Katrina, pointing out the incongruity between the parish’s actions to block the affordable housing development, and its otherwise valiant “spirit of recovery”:

[W]hen parish officials were initially approached by Provident, they appeared to welcome their offer of affordable housing, and for good reason. The four modestly sized housing units would bring $60 million of investment into the parish, without any cost to the parish…. Each project was estimated to produce $40,000 in annual property taxes, for a total of $160,000 a year…. Each development was mixed-income with thirty percent of the units rented at fair market rates, fifty percent at 60% of Area Median Income and twenty percent at 30% of Area Median Income. These rents were targeted to the incomes of the St. Bernard Parish workforce, such as teachers, policemen, firemen, nurses, refinery workers, dock workers, cooks, waiters, and retail sales people….

Plaintiff’s expert in affordable housing, Kalima Rose, opined
that even if St. Bernard proceeded with all the currently available federal resources and projects, including Provident, that only twenty percent of the lost rental stock would be replaced. Provident’s projects clearly promise long and short term gains for the parish.

Nevertheless, since the fall of 2008, certain St. Bernard Parish officials have repeatedly taken actions to thwart, delay and derail the proposed developments…. [Id.]

Judge Berrigan’s September order deemed the re-subdivision applications approved, and imposed monetary sanctions if the Parish fails, without good cause, to meet any of the deadlines in the opinion. The sanctions would begin at $5,000 for the first day, “increasing to $10,000 each day thereafter per each individual missed deadline…” With this latest hammer, it appears that the affordable housing project can move forward.

New Orleans multi-family housing moratorium struck down as racially discriminatory

April 8, 2009 | Mona Tawatao | Tags: , , ,

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As many in the civil rights and housing advocacy world are happily aware, on March 25, U.S. District Court Judge Helen Berrigan, struck down an ordinance passed by the St. Bernard Parish Council which placed a 12-month moratorium on housing developments of more than five units in St. Bernard Parish, New Orleans. Plaintiffs, including Greater New Orleans Fair Housing Action Center, brought action again the Council on the grounds that the moratorium violated an existing consent decree under which the Council had agreed not to engage in further violations of the federal Fair Housing Act following the Council’s adoption of a series of racially discriminatory housing ordinances. The Court found that enactment of the subject ordinance indeed violated the Fair Housing Act under both a discriminatory effect standard and discriminatory intent standard and thus violated the decree. The opinion provides a good primer on applying the Arlington Heights factors to support a finding of intentional discrimination, an unfortunately exceedingly rare occurrence. For example, the opinion noted that a proposal for mixed-income multi-family developments slated for St. Bernard Parish precipitated enactment of the moratorium. The opinion also cites to decisions that found that the terms “crime” and “blight” and concerns about personal safety due to “new” people, references made in a newspaper editorial opposing prior to imposition of the ordinance, are camoflaged racial expressions. The court relied heavily on the testimony of Dr. Calvin Bradford, housing discrimination expert, regarding the disproportionate negative impact the moratorium had on African-Americans because African-Americans in the relevant geographic area are disproportionately lower-income and disproportionately renters, and Kalima Rose, Gulf Coast region affordable housing policy expert with PolicyLink regarding, among other things, the irregularity of enacting a such a moratorium following a development application consistent with the zoning of the subject area. Relman & Dane served as lead counsel for plaintiffs and the full opinion is available on its website.

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Maps used in support of the Plaintiff’s argument in Kennedy et al. v. City of Zanesville, et al.

August 6, 2008 | ElektroMoose | Tags: , , , ,

This post was authored by Allan M. Parnell, Ph.D., Cedar Grove Institute for Sustainable Communities.

We were asked by Reed Colfax of Relman and Dane, PLLC to determine whether there was an association between race and access to public water services in the Coal Run area in Muskingum County, Ohio. The Coal Run area is just outside of Zanesville, Ohio. In particular, Mr. Colfax was interested in having the patterns mapped. My colleagues in this analysis were Ben Marsh, Professor of Geography and Environmental Studies at Bucknell University, and Ann Moss Joyner, my colleague at the Cedar Grove Institute of Sustainable Communities. The results of our analysis were shown in a set of maps shown to the jury.

Census data clearly were not going to be useful because of the small size of the neighborhood. The core of the neighborhood is in two census blocks, but census data was not helpful because of the scale and distribution of residents within the blocks. Within each block, the northern part is predominantly white and the southern part is predominantly non-white. One plaintiff lived in a third census block, and the residents on the north side of Adamsville Road are in a fourth census block. There was no clear way to use Census data to show the whether race is a factor in access to public water. I proposed a house-by-house analysis within the neighborhood.

We obtained public Geographic Information Systems (GIS) data from Muskingum County. The key data were the parcel data, which identified all occupied houses in the study areas, the location of water lines with dates of construction, Zanesville’s city limits, and the street locations. Relman and Dane obtained water billing data giving the addresses of all houses with public water service. I field-checked the parcel data confirming that each property identified in the parcel data was an occupied house. We also geocoded the location of the water plant.

We knew the race of plaintiffs, but we did not know the race of the residents in the other houses. I designed a short survey asking the number of residents, the race of each resident and how long they had lived at that address. Under my supervision, two employees of Relman and Dane went door-to-door collecting the household data. The survey took place over two days. If one resident in a household was non-white, the house was coded as non-white. In the very few cases where we were unable to speak to any resident, the house was coded as unknown. Using the public GIS data, the household survey information, the plaintiff information and the addresses of houses with billed water service, Ben Marsh built the GIS layers for the maps showing the clear pattern of racial discrimination. I wrote the expert report using the maps, the survey information, and information from the plaintiffs.

Reed Colfax and John Relman decided to build the maps before the jury, layer by layer, adding information to the base map, explaining where the information in each layer came from.

Image of Map One

Map 1 is the base map, showing the location of the Coal Run area relative to the city and the water plant and the roads.

Image of Map TwoMap 2 adds the location of public water lines as of the date when the case was filed.

Image of Map ThreeMap 3 adds the location of occupied houses, showing the proximity of these houses to water lines. Note, however, that having a water line in front of your house does not necessarily mean that you have public water.

Image of Map FourMap 4 shows which houses had billed water service. Note that one house south of the water lines had billed water service. This was an “special arrangement”Âť made with a private line run to that house.

Image of Map FiveMap 5 introduces the race of the household with the water lines. The water line down Langen Lane clearly ends where non-white residences begin.

Image of Map SixMap 6 adds billed water service again (the dark blue dots) confirming that most non-white houses did not have public water while most white houses did have water service.

While we believe that color schemes should be intuitively obvious (and thus white and black make sense here), it is difficult to use true black and have any internal symbol (the dark blue dot meaning billed water service) show up well. Thus, to designate houses of minority residents, a dark orange or light brown might have been more informative. Regarding the maps as shown, the attorneys chose the color scheme of the houses to indicate race.

Map of Waterlines Extent

A final map shows how far the public water lines extended. Note the location of the Coal Run area in blue.

The defense used GIS to try and make the case that race did not affect who had water service and that some areas with African American residents had water service so there was no pattern of discrimination.

Defense Map

The defense map pictured left shows the Coal Run area and surrounding area. Census blocks are coded by the number of African American residents. Water lines are shown in blue. The defense expert argued that all residents of a census block had water if a water line intersected any part of the block. This is demonstrably false, and he had difficulty with this argument in his testimony. The defense expert also pointed to the census block southwest of the Coal Run area that borders I-70 with 34 African American residents.

I had examined the census data for the block and found that while there were 34 African American residents in 2000, there were no African American households. Individuals in the census are classified as living either in households or in group quarters, and the African American residents all lived in group quarters. And they were all elderly. Clearly, they live in a nursing home that is 88% white. The water line in question services a health care facility that had no residents (black or white) when it was built.

This post was authored by Allan M. Parnell, Ph.D., Cedar Grove Institute for Sustainable Communities.

Webmaster’s note: Plaintiffs in this case received a near 11 million dollar jury verdict (attorneys fees reserved).

11 million dollar verdict in Ohio race discrimination water service case

July 15, 2008 | Mona Tawatao | Tags: , ,

On July 10, a federal jury in Columbus, Ohio returned verdicts totaling nearly $11 million against the City of Zanesville, Muskingum County, and the East Muskingum Water Authority, for denying access to public water services on the basis of race to the African-American community of Coal Run in Ohio. Each of the 67 plaintiffs in the case, Jerry Kennedy, et al. v. City of Zanesville, Ohio, et al. Case No. 2:03-cv-01047, S.D. Ohio., testified about the hardships they endured residing in a community that has had no running water for over 50 years despite its proximity to Zanesville, a municipality of over 25,000 persons. As reported in the Time online article Making Water a Matter of Race, lead plaintiff Jerry Kennedy, a life long resident of Coal Run whose home is within yards of the municipal water line, has relied mostly on rain or hauls from the water treatment plant to his home as his water sources for most of his 58 years. Well water is not an option for Coal Run residents as the ground water has been contaminated by the surrounding coal mines. Repeated demands for water service by Kennedy and his African-American neighbors over the years went unanswered. The other plaintiffs in the case, Fair Housing Advocates Association and the Ohio Civil Rights Commission, also received favorable verdicts. Reed Colfax, John Relman, and Jennifer Klar of Washington D.C.-based civil rights firm Relman & Dane, PLLC were lead counsel in the case. Zanesville and Muskingum County plan to appeal.

For additional details on the verdicts and the case, see Relman & Dane’s press release; Racism ruled, jury finds (Columbus Dispatch); and Jury: Black Neighborhood Was Denied Water Service (truthout).

Maps created by Cedar Grove Institute for Sustainable Communities illustrating the the racial disparities in public water access between the predominantly African- American Coal Run community and the surrounding overwhelmingly white parts of the County played an instrumental role in securing the verdicts. Look for a posting on this webpage with links to those maps soon.

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